Asian Americans in the Media

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The inability to break through stereotypes is a result of the lack of information and willful ignorance and even unspoken hostility toward Asian Americans (Ono and Pham 2008). In Eugene Fraklin Wong's study, On Visual Media Racism, he notes that "accepting stereotypes as a fact of filmic life, the presence of a particular stereotype is not evidence of racism as such. It is the persistence and durability of stereotypes over time which will determine to what degree there has been progress" (1978). The American media's institutionalized racism exhibits role segregation and role stratification for Asian Americans.

Repetitiveness of stereotypes can continue to maintain unfavorable images across generations. According to Wong, these stereotypes are assumed to be "almost like biological fact." Therefore, new generations are conditioned to accept continuation of racist stereotyping (Feng 2002). Trans-historical Asian stereotypes in the media have prevented the American public from truly learning about Asian Americans (Ono and Pham 2008). Few American audiences before 1970s had contact with real Asians, so the stereotypes presented in the media were readily accepted by these viewers (Zia 2001). There is a stereotype in American culture that white men command authority, and Asians are more passive (Riley and Kennard 2002). Early Chinese immigrants in the frontier economy of California in the 1800s were disproportionately concentrated in laundry and restaurant jobs, due to a lack of women creating a demand for typically female jobs which white men didn't find suitable for themselves. This, along with 19th century longer Chinese dresses and hairstyles led to Chinese men being seen as feminine by whites (Yuh 2009). In the 1860s, hundreds of Chinese women were brought to San Francisco and forced into prostitution (Lee 1999). This has created the stereotype of Asian women often seen as easy or available.

These historical events have created unrealistic views of Asians in others' minds, and misrepresentation keeps Asians stuck in these stereotypical roles. Thus, these stereotypes are translated into the media, especially film and theater castings.

Beginning in the mid 1800s, minstrel shows portrayed Asians as unalterably foreign (Lee 2005). Minstrel shows began around 1830 when Thomas Dartmouth Rice debuted a blackface character named Jim Crow, who, along with Sambos, Coons, and Zip Dandies, embodied one of the strongest images of black inferiority in popular culture of the day (Davis). Minstrel shows expanded to include Asian portrayals during the California Gold Rush, starting with the introduction of a Jim Crow-esque character called John Chinaman (Moon 32). This portrayed Chinese as fundamentally foreign, or unscrupulous as a result of their Chinese-ness, and denying them any chance of becoming American. John Chinaman is an example of the historically entrenched misrepresentations of Asians in minstrel shows. "Oh John, I've been deceived in you/And in all your thieving clan/For our gold is all you're after, John/To get it as you can" (Moon 37).

Out of minstrel shows, the practice of yellowface, where white actors portray East Asian characters, emerged (Ito 1997). Yellowface flourished because of job protection for white actors. Because only a small percentage of actors supported themselves by solely acting, it was logical to limit the talent pool by placing restrictions on minority actors. This meant Asians could only have roles as "houseboys, cooks, laundrymen, and crazed war enemies." When there was a larger Asian role, it was given to a white actor (Ito 1997). Yellowface allowed the public to get what they wanted to see.

Examples of yellowface throughout history:
*Mary Pickford in Madame Butterfly (1915)
*Luise Rainer and Paul Muni in The Good Earth (1937)
*Boris Karloff in the Mystery of Mr. Wong (1939)
*Katharine Hepburn, Walter Huston, Aline McMahon, Agnes Moorehead and other actors in Dragon Seed (1944)
*Fred Astaire and Lucille Bremer in Ziegfield Follies (1946)
*Marlon Brando in The Teahouse of the August Moon (1956)
*Mickey Rooney in Breakfast at Tiffany's (1961)
*Shirley MacLaine in My Geisha (1962)
*Bruce Lee was replaced by David Carradine to play the Asian character Kwai Chang Caine in Kung Fu in 1972 (The Slanted Screen).
*Jerry Lewis in Hardly Working (1981)
*
Even by 1989, the prominent Asian role of The Engineer in Miss Saigon was played by acclaimed white actor Jonathan Pryce. Pryce wore eye prosthetics. (Zia 2001).
*Tony Shalhoub as Fred Kwan/Tech Sergeant Chen in Galaxy Quest (1999)
*Eddie Murphy as Mr. Wong in Norbit (2007)
*Nicolas Cage as Dr. Fu Manchu in Grindhouse (2007)
*Justin Chatwin as Son Goku in Dragonball Evolution (2009)


Because yellowface is acceptable, producers don't feel a need to cast real Asians in film or theater. This further contributes to the underrepresentation of Asian Americans on the screen and stage. Until recently, Asian characters in leading roles were frequently performed by white actors (Zia 2001). This lack of exposure to Asians in the media causes the American public to feel uncomfortable with Asian men in strong, powerful, and sexual roles ("The Slanted Screen" 2006). Columbia News Service distributed an article in 2002 that cites a study finding 43 percent of respondents held somewhat negative or very negative views of Asians in broadcast journalism (Riley and Kennard).
Families play large influential roles in deciding Asian students' occupational choices (Riley and Kennard 2002). These families normally pick science related careers, which are perceived to have a double benefit: high pay and less discrimination. In Asian cultures, family opinions matter a lot and thus, a student is more likely to follow a career unrelated to the media.
 
When Tesco Asian Network asked Asian parents and grandparents what careers they would prefer their children to go into in 2009, most popular were traditional careers such as Medicine (24%), Law (19%), and Accountancy (14%) ("Asian Families 'Influence'..." 2009). Similarly, in a poll carried out on university campuses , 24 percent of Asian students admitted their choice of career was heavily influenced by family members. The figure is much higher than for white people where only 9 percent said their families had a significant influence on their choice of career ("Asian Families 'influence'..." 2009). Asian parents feel that going to a top-ranked college is the most surefire way to land a stable high-paying job and to lead a financially secure future. First-generation immigrant parents sacrificed personally and financially to move to America, so they do not want their children to also suffer financially when they are adults. Thus, they push their kids to pursue science related careers (Guo 2006).